Analysis : From communication to progaganda – the EU crossed the line
By Anna-Karin Friis
Propaganda is "information presented from an official source in order to influence an audience. It is used to present facts selectively to encourage a particular synthesis", according to Wikipedia. This characterization fits perfectly the material the EU institutions churn out of their pseudo newsmills on a daily basis. There has been a massive build-up of the EU institutions' communication policies over the last six years as initiated by Commission president Barroso and equally immersed by the European Parliament. However, this development does not seem to be widely acknowledged among the European public.
Groups visiting the EU institutions in Brussels gaze in awe at the imposing buildings, seemingly impressed. Visitors to the Commission are lead like a horde of sheep to the Midday press briefing to watch the press officers manoeuvring to avoid saying anything at all of substance. The setting strikes me as belonging in an authoritarian regime rather than an international organization that is built on the fundaments of democracy. Another striking example of EU communication are the banners measuring at least 30 metres in height hung on the wall of the Berlaymont; last thing I saw the Commission announced we will soon enter anno domini 2011. Like someone remarked, that is an approach to communication that rather belongs in North Korea.
It is all PR
Much of what has been done on the economic front to keep the euro afloat displays an attitude on the part of both the Council and the Commission to limit their engagement to public relations, or public diplomacy rather. The evident lack of economic governance or even the lack of a realization that decisive visionary action is needed to mend the crisis of the common currency is disguised by engaging in communication that strives to give the public the impression that something is done about it. Putting European leaders on stage attempting to make them look photogenial in a picture release to convince the financial markets is hardly responsible economic policy. All along this year I have had the feeling that the consequences of the evident imbalances that the eurozone has to deal with have not been tackled at all by politicans, but the debate has been driven by media, think-tanks and financial analysts. It is not just failure to agree, but failure to approach the complexity and lack of strong ideas to address the matter. And to cover up, just throw in a range of press statements, fact sheets and high-level meetings with plenty of photo opportunities.
Midday nonsense
The Commission's traditional midday briefings have long since turned into exercises of juggling a maximum number of questions, most of them smart and provocative, in order to provide only evasive nonsensical replies. The European parliament does not strike me as much better; in my mind, an institution consisting of elected politicians should communicate itself, whereas the press officers seem to be under the impression they were hired to be spin doctors to avoid what they refer to as PR disasters, caused by MEPs out of line. The president of the European parliament is in their own texts hailed as a world leader, his every move and utterance giving rise to a number of photos and quotes which flood my e-mail account to the point of the unmanageable. Not to mention the Europarl TV, that costly flop that the rumour has it attracts some onethousand viewers only. My impression is that also the Commission headed by Barroso seems to think it exists only to the extent it communicates itself to the European public. But how much does it actually achieve, this endless stream of advertising campaign, leaflets, posters on EU policies, fact sheets and websites that all tout how much the EU does for the citizens?
The billion euro budget
All this does not come free. It is difficult to get an overview of exactly how much has been spent on the communication budgets over the last years, as the sums are split up for each institution and again in tenders for each directorate. However, considering that each tender ranges from a million to tens of millions of euro, it does add up in hundreds of millins of euro a year and that makes at least a billion over the last five or so years. This has been supported by massive recruitment efforts in the parliament and the commission, and the armada of press officers adds to the cost of personnel.
The EU information monopoly
My worry reagarding the EU communication policies are therefore threefold; the content, the cost and the distortion of markets for media professionals. As far as the content of this EU propaganda goes, it may not matter much how many maps of Europe are handed out at EU information points, but it is disturbing that there is a flow of information ever increasing in volume passing through unfiltered. The EU press officers are engaged in a collateral effort attempting to gain a monopoly on informing on the EU and apart from using their own channels they actively approach media outlets at local, regional and national level with their messages. The Brussels EU correspondents corps is gradually diminishing, but the poor overworked pale zombies left in the press rooms are bombarded with EU press releases and fact sheets. So far they do a good job of analyzing or ignoring the ready made so-called news the EU puts out, but there may be limits to their professional capacity when the number of correspondents shrinks due to the financial constraints most media outlets suffer from.
Distorted media markets
However, the EU communication policy does distort the media market by providing massive amounts of material, in particular pictures and audiovisual material, to be used free of charge. By so doing, independent photographers and camera crews lose business opportunities. The pictures commissioned by the EU are supposed to be used only for non-commercial purposes, but are in fact increasingly used by commercial newspapers and magazines. In some cases, access is not even granted to certain meetings for independent photographers. The free photos depict uneventful meetings between politicians dressed in black against a blue or grey background. Needless to say it is nothing exciting, but even so the EU propaganda pictures do stand out for their low quality and lack of message, except of course that of self-importance and arrogance of the EU leaders.


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Comments
I'm sorry to say, but although you raise some important issues here, much of the criticism is rather childish. "Posters are big like in N.Korea", "Politicians try to wriggle their way through inconvenient questions", "Politicians try to present themselves positively to the public" - all of those are easy to refute, because this is what governments do everywhere. I don't know if you deliberately don't distinguish between PR and propaganda. The latter implies unfiltered use of means of mass communication to convey messages from public bodies to the general public. PR texts should never be accepted uncritically, and I don't think the institutions expect that. It's a problem of the 'fast news' culture of 'elite news-making' that these messages and images circulate in the media in order to produce content fast.
Meanwhile, there are really serious problems with public communication. One is infrastructure (no WiFi at the main room of the EP!!!). Another is elitism (only the most established news agencies and outlets get normal access to information).
Well, I just wanted to approach things a little more light-heartidly than usual through a number of allegories instead of some more boring facts. And indeed yes, it is more of an opinion piece. But I can confirm to you that campaign-style governing is emblematic of authoritarian regimes (I have seen that especially in China, but also in DPRK and the Central-Asian states).
Now, what I assumed everybody would understand for themselves here is that at the the heart of the matter are the concepts of transparency and accountability. It does not increase transparency that each institution and each DG run huge campaign budgets with targeted messages rather than inform on their work agenda and leave it to the public (and I suppose mostly journalists) to contact them to find out more with every person in charge assuming responsibility also towards the public. It rather seems that everybody except for the press officers have been muzzled. What went largely uncommented here was the communication policy of the council, which stands out as an attempt to create a smokescreen and hide the most essential information while briefing on rather uninteresting details.
On propaganda vs. PR: my argument was that the communications policy has been taken so far on such a sizeable budget that it does obfuscate things. There are fewer journalists left to filter those messages and the institutions put a great deal of effort and money into communicating their message straight to all media outlets on both the local and the regional levels in the EU countries (because those may not have EU correspondents or buy any journalistic material and therefore let the institutional message through unfiltered). The question of how much 'PR' a public institution can and should engage in is not easy; I think institutions are best monitored by independent media in a process that is essential for the functioning of democracy. I think it should also be a moral question of how much funds are ploughed into the EU communicating itself (as in leaflets or advertising campaigns all over Europe with the essential message 'this is what the EU does for its citizens'). As for whether to accept the institutions' messages without questioning, in fact my impression is (judging by the masses of material and press packs and fact sheets I have seen over the last year and a half in Brussels and the number of press conferences I have attended) that indeed there seems to be an attitude among the large number of institutional communicators that what they present should be taken at face value and set the agenda. Many people have remarked on the attitude with which questions are met in the daily news briefings; not only do spokespersons refuse to answer questions, but they are outright mocking people for asking pertinent questions which reasonably would deserve an answer. More on that on the website of the International Press Association, http://www.api-ipa.eu/
As for your remark on 'producing content fast', what and whose content would that be? The way things have evolved in EU communications means that the content offered by the institutions is set by their own agenda and offered at their pace, not in terms of what is the burning issue of the day or the most topical challenges that should be debated in public. Therefore, well-established journalists ignore most of what comes out of the institutional news mills.
My analysis was a little more elaborate than claiming that politicians present themselves in a positive light, so frankly, I do not know where you got that quote from.
Isn't it a little petty to solve your wifi-problems at this forum? Now for your information, the network does work in the EP press room; I know, because once I talked to the person who manages that network. Access is granted for anybody who engages in journalistic activities (and plenty of others), so should not be a problem.